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Wars and Rumors of Wars
- The Signs of the Times
A sermon by the Rev. Bruce Southworth
The Community Church of New York Unitarian Universalist
Sept. 22, 2002
Readings:
The challenge before the American people is the most serious since
the rise of Fascism and the long encounter with the Soviet Union. It is
a time to reaffirm American faith in the values of law, justice and peace,
as well as confidence in the Constitution. Bush has been acting from the
outset as if the decision to go to war is his alone, although there is
no claim of immediacy that justifies circumventing Congress. The White
House seems to believe that consulting Congress is mainly a matter of
courtesy and not required by the Constitution, which vests in Congress
the power to declare war and appropriate the funds for its conduct.
Similarly, the apparent bipartisan consensus within the Beltway that
US foreign policy involving the use of international force is free from
the prohibitions of international law is a frightening repudiation of
the efforts throughout the past century to make aggressive wars "a
crime against the peace," and its perpetrators punishable as war
criminals. Such was the US stand at Nuremberg and Tokyo after World War
II with respect to German and Japanese leaders, with a promise by the
victors that they would in the future be held to the same standards of
accountability. Instead of passively watching on the sidelines as the
government goes down the path to war, citizens urgently need to resist
.
Richard Falk - "A Dangerous Game" in "The Nation,"
10/9/02
"A Scholarly Analysis Of
Developments (Including
Satellite Photos,
Intelligence Reports And
Middle-Eastern Strategy
Considerations) That
Persuaded The Bush
Administration That Its
Policy on Dealing With
Iraq Had To Change From
Economic Sanctions To
Pre-Emptive War"
Osama's split and Wall Street's sagging.
It's time to get that puppy wagging.
Calvin Trillin - "The Nation," 10/7/02
Sermon: Wars and Rumors of Wars - The Signs of the Times
"Wars and rumors of war"
that phrase appears in Christian
scripture in the book of Matthew and arose in the context of the persecution
of early Christians with an admonition to keep the faith in the midst
of hardship, persecution, and even torture.
A little earlier in the same book, when the Pharisees and Sadducees are
challenging Jesus, there are these words: "When it is evening, you
say, 'It will be fair weather, for the sky is red.' And in the morning,
'It will be stormy today, for the sky is red and threatening.' You know
how to interpret the appearance of the sky, but you cannot interpret the
signs of the times."
So, here we are too, part of the human struggle for meaning and wisdom,
trying to keep the faith in the middle of wars and rumors of wars and
trying to interpret the signs of our times.
This morning I will take my turn, with a few words about these dangerous,
fragile times, when for the most part fears, expediency, and arrogance
seem momentarily to be trumping wisdom, moral judgment, and justice-making.
The signs of the times:
The Dow Jones industrial average, the benchmark of our economic health,
on Thursday hit its lowest point since July; we also completed four consecutive
weeks of losses. What do we have? A recession, perhaps with budding economic
recovery - perhaps a double dip recession, a "W" shaped economic
period, "W" aptly appropriate given our President, George W.
Bush. A recovery that is slow-paced - ephemeral for some, for many. A
friend of mine got a new job after more than a year of being laid off;
another just lost his job, though "lost" is such a strange way
of putting it, isn't it? And certainly a goodly number here in our congregation
face economic uncertainty, as you search for work, even though others
have been able to make positive job moves.
With more losers than winners, the signs of the times, economically,
are shaky.
Unemployment benefits are running out for tens of thousands in New York
State, and as Senator Clinton pointed out in the Op-Ed pages of the New
York Times earlier this week, over half a million New Yorkers are jobless,
and 135,000 have exhausted their unemployment benefits.
Then she adds this brief paragraph, big numbers hard to comprehend intellectually
or emotionally: "At this time last year, 800,000 Americans had been
out of work for six months or longer. That number nearly doubled to 1.5
million (in the last year), and it is expected to increase to more than
2 million by December." (9/20/02) She goes on to observe that in
the early 1990s unemployment benefits were extended five times during
that recession. Yet amidst these troubling times, Congress so far has
only extended benefits once, and as she says, "once is not enough."
Not only is it compassionate, but it is also economically smart to do
this because, as the Department of Labor has reported, when benefits are
extended, every dollar in benefits generates more than $2 in gross domestic
product. (And economists I read, not just a politician, say that this
is a very good thing.)
While Congress hesitates and perhaps refuses to act, growing unemployment
is one of those signs of the times.
The signs of the times: a month ago corporate greed and malfeasance by
top executives and stock analysts, from Enron to Martha Stewart lit up
the newspapers in the dog days of August doldrums. Those in the news have
also included WorldCom, Global Crossing, Adelphia Communications, Xerox,
Tyco International, Lucent Technologies, ImClone, and others.
From one of those website postings that try to read the signs of the
times came this analysis:
- In traditional capitalism, you have two cows. You sell one and
buy a bull. Your herd multiplies and the economy grows. You sell them
and retire on your income.
- In Enron capitalism, you have two cows. You sell all three of them
to your publicly listed company, using letters of credit opened by
your brother-in-law at the bank, then execute a debt/equity swap so
that you get all four cows back with a tax exemption for five cows.
The milk rights of the six cows are transferred via an intermediary
to a Cayman Islands company secretly owned by the majority shareholder,
who sells the rights to all seven cows back to your listed company.
Its annual report says the company owns eight cows, with an option
on one. You sell one cow to buy a new president of the United States,
leaving you with nine cows. No balance sheet is provided. The public
buys your bull. (Washington Spectator, 8/1/02)
Amidst the corporate malfeasance, rumors of war shift the shape of news
coverage. "It's the economy, stupid," was the political mantra
of the 1990s, about elections
. So, given the weak economy, political
focus, for example on war, that can replace the economy as an issue, is
welcome in some circles, to say the least.
Here and there, something positive can happen. There was the good, good
news from a court order that the immigrant Mexican laborers in many of
the Korean markets will now receive at least a minimum wage. These workers
had been working as many as 72 hours a week for $2 or $3 an hour, and
NY Attorney General Spitzer has brokered this agreement with market owners.
All this is great, but I don't entirely understand why these market owners
are being given amnesty for agreeing to obey the law. Last year, Spitzer
forced some to pay back-wages for overtime and minimum wage violations,
but apparently the rest will be off the hook for that. There are good
consequences, it seems, even though it appears he is bribing owners to
obey the law, rather than enforcing it as he did in the past.
What else? Not so good news is that the Living Wage bill in our City
Council is languishing, and what seemed to be moving toward passage last
spring has now stalled.
So, trying to read the signs of the times, now as always, the struggle
continues for economic equity and justice in our skewed economy of the
wealthy and the struggling.
Also, there is so much more that I'll have to return to another day -
the boycott of Taco Bell to help laborers in Florida and the sweatshop
abuses by Disney, the Gap and others that continue
. But these will
have to wait for another day.
The signs of the times: an election is coming up with the mid-term elections
in the House of Representatives, the economy is doing poorly, and corporate
abuses remain.
Thus, war, at least rumor of war distracts the good people of our nation,
and like good soldiers and patriotic citizens, many in our country are
ready to unite around the President.
And there is more than the poor economy. The signs of the times speak
to me of a war against our Constitution and our civil liberties. From
the conservative think-tank, the Cato Institute, comes the observation
that Attorney General Ashcroft and President Bush "have supported
measures that are antithetical to freedom, such as secretive subpoenas,
secretive arrests, secretive trials and secretive deportations. "
It goes on to note that the USA Patriot Act "will allow the police
to compel records from any business regarding any person, including medical
records from hospitals, educational records form universities and even
records of books that have been checked out from the local library or
purchased from a bookstore." The conservative Cato Institute continues,
"that ought to give pause to people of goodwill from all across the
political spectrum - since those are tell-tale signs of societies that
are unfree."
On a more populist note than this conservative think-tank, the Northampton,
Massachusetts City Council voted unanimously last May "for a 'resolution
to defend the Bill of Rights against Ashcroft's intrusions on 'freedom
of speech, assembly and privacy; the right to counsel and due process
in judicial proceeding, and protection from unreasonable searches and
seizures.'"
A longtime friend of this congregation Roger Baldwin, with our minister
John Haynes Holmes, was among the founders of the American Civil Liberties
Union in 1920. Fortunately, those like Anthony Romero, the executive Director
of the ACLU, continue the work for protecting our rights and have participated
in cases such as the one in which a Federal judge, Gladys Kessler ruled
that the names of "detainees suspected of immigration violations
had to be made public. 'Secret arrests, [she] wrote
'are a concept
odious to a democratic society.'" (9-19-02, B. Herbert, p A35)
Secret arrests, another of the signs of the times.
As Mr. Romero puts it, "I just say that most Americans would think
it's wrong to hold people without charging them with a crime, and without
letting them see a lawyer, and to consider them guilty until they're proven
innocent."
The signs of the times are strange indeed when the so-called right and
the so-called left agree on the violation of civil liberties, yet what
we get in the news is the rumor of war, to distract us all.
Along the way, it's hard to know what to make of the arrests in Buffalo
of the young men of Yemeni background who are being held on seemingly
flimsy charges of potential terrorism. I know that some will be glad that
our intelligence community is hard at work, but the evidence of wrongdoing
does not seem to be compelling. And various constitutional lawyers, as
well as some judges, believe that this law, under which they are being
held, is unconstitutional.
Economic warfare against the poor, war against the Constitution and civil
liberties - the use of the war metaphor is admittedly a bit of hyperbole,
exaggeration, but there are millions being hurt, and our society is not
doing right by our ideals. One of the great new monuments in Washington,
DC is the one to Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Along one of the marble walls
are inscribed these words: "I see one third of a nation ill housed,
ill nourished
The test of our progress is not whether we add more
to the abundance of those who have much; it is whether we provide enough
for those who have too little."
All of which brings me to the matter of actually going to war, a real,
honest-to-goodness, bomb-dropping, soldier-killing, civilian-killing (accidental,
collateral damage deaths) war
President Bush has just released a new, congressionally mandated statement
about the strategic goals of his foreign policy, and it is a radical departure
from the past 50 years of our international policy.
It is in the vein of Plato's philosopher king; the wise, compassionate
ruler can do whatever he wants and can be trusted.
- Unilateral military action by the United States is asserted as a
right.
- Eliminating another nation's ability to attempt to match our military
power is asserted as a right.
- The cooperative relationships and the rule of international law
are subordinate to the United States' own decisions.
As I have read about it in the last couple of days, it seems as if it
is arrogant without bounds. And it is foolish for any of our leaders not
to realize that such arrogance by the United States has left our great,
idealistic nation open to legitimate charges of violating our own principles
and ideals.
It is a simple, grand vision of United States imperialism, presumably
a benevolent emperor, but imperialism nonetheless. It is in keeping with
Bush's repudiation of the Kyoto protocols on the environment and of the
International Criminal Court. It strikes me as making the world less safe
by alienating more of the world's citizens, who have seen the power and
glory of our democratic ideals, our freedom and our prosperity, and have
also seen us betray our best selves at times.
Equally scary to me is the present resolution before Congress authorizing
President Bush to use any means he deems necessary to address the regime
of Saddam Hussein, not only the resolution, but apparently the minimal
opposition to it at this time among members of Congress, none of whom
in an election year would want to be painted, albeit unfairly, as soft
on terrorism by voting against this horrendous legislation.
Some of the questions on my mind and that others too may have raised
include:
1. Is it morally acceptable to become an aggressor and no doubt inflict
further suffering and death on the Iraqi people?
2. Morally, practically and diplomatically, is it wise to violate international
law and the United Nations charter, to which we have subscribed? Bush's
resolution before Congress provides for unilateral aggression on our
part, over against the UN Charter that provides for self defense "against
armed attack."
3. Shouldn't we as the world's leading nation-state use our power to
nudge the globe toward international law, rather than away from it?
4. Is there sufficient justification to go to war against Iraq, in
that President Bush has not provided any evidence of Iraq being an imminent
threat to the United States or our allies in the region?
5. Wouldn't the UN inspection teams be able to ascertain if there were
such an actual threat to us from biological, chemical or nuclear weapons?
Many experts say that this can be done and was done with some success
in the past.
6. What happens if Hussein is removed? Another dictatorship, one that
we would prop up for how many years to come?
7. If attacked, would Hussein attack Israel as a last resort act of
vengeance? As President Clinton observed last week on the David Letterman
show of all places, how do you factor in the possibility/probability
that Hussein would under threat of being conquered find ways to put
any weapons of mass destruction that he has into the hands of terrorists?
8. Will President Bush's preparations for war lead Hussein himself
to make a preemptive strike in some way?
9. Does it make sense to send 250,000 to 500,000 American troops to
invade Iraq, and for how long? How many will die? Surely many more than
the 400 who died in the Gulf War. Is all this worth it, when the present
policy of containment is working and can be strengthened?
10. What about public opinion, 61% saying that we should act militarily
only if the international community approves? (LA Times poll) (which
to my mind still is not a sufficient cause for us to go to war.)
11. What about our moral standing in the world? Republican Majority
Leader Richard Armey initially objected to President Bush's proposal
saying, such an attack "would not be consistent with what we have
been as a nation or what we should be as a nation."
12. From an economic standpoint, wouldn't war against Iraq increase
oil prices, increase the budget deficit, harm the airline industry,
diminish consumer confidence and otherwise hurt our already fragile
economy?
13. What has/will happen to the war against Al Qaeda and Osama Bin
Laden, who has directly attacked us and is a more direct threat to us
than Saddam Hussein? Shouldn't our president focus on the immediate
threats to our safety and security, even though it does not have the
political juice of a new war?
14. As Eric Alterman puts it, "About this pre-emptive war stuff,
who gets to go next? China against Taiwan? India against Pakistan? Or
is it just a white guy thing?" (The Nation, 10/7/02, 10)
The list of questions, of course, can go on and on. The gain from war
is that it will distract us from the economic problems we face, and it
gives Bush's war on terrorism a manageable target, an enemy whom we can
defeat.
But it comes at a great cost to our own moral standing in the world,
reflecting a path of arrogance and imperialism. It reminds me of the prophetic
poet Bob Dylan who wrote, "You don't need to be a weatherman to know
which way the wind blows."
In the face of this crisis, a new, destabilizing, arrogant strategy of
pre-emptive war, what might be done?
One of the voices of wisdom that caught my ear was that of Maureen Dowd
who writes a column for the New York Times:
The trap is sprung. The name of the game is containment.
Contain the wild man, the leader with the messianic and relentless glint
who is scaring the world.
Surround him, throw Lilliputian nets on him, tie him up with a lot of
UN inspection demands, humor him long enough to stop him from using
his weapons and blowing up the Middle East.
But [she says] the object of the containment strategy is not Saddam
Hussein, but George W. Bush, the president with real bombs, not the
predator with plans to make them. (9/18/02)
In our democratic society, those who share these questions and come to
the conclusion that we need to contain this leader will raise their voices,
contact Congress and media, and take opportunities to protest, such as
our Action for Justice Committee is doing with providing support for "Not
in Our Name" organizing against Bush's militarism that includes a
rally in Central Park on October 6th.
A key part of our spiritual work as individuals and as a community and
a part of our religious mission is, if we choose, to develop critical
consciousness of our life and times, to read the signs of the times.
The mission in part is to live as best we can on the margins of complicity
to all that seduces us in larger culture.
That mission, as I see it, is to shape a community of resistance and
courage, which is pervasively needed, and to create those coalitions of
conscience that effect change.
To do these things: to develop critical consciousness, to live on the
margins of complicity, to shape a community of resistance and courage,
to create coalitions of conscience - then we keep faith with our moral
ground, our better natures, the spark of the divine within each one of
us.
The final word for this morning comes from Albert Camus who wrote:
We must mend
What has been torn apart,
Make justice imaginable again
In a world so obviously unjust,
Give happiness once more
To peoples poisoned
By the misery of the century.
Naturally,
It is a superhuman task.
But superhuman is the term
For tasks...(we) take a long time
To accomplish.
That's all.
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