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  UUA Boston 2003

3041 Corporate Personhood: The Undermining of Our Democracy

Sponsor: The Pacific NW Chapter of UUs for a Just Economic Community

Thom Hartmann, author of Unequal Protection: The Rise of Corporate Dominance and the Theft of Human Rights Remote Link, drew frequent applause in presenting the American history class you never took.

Starting with the founding in 1600 of “the world’s first transnational company” and an entirely new view of the Boston Tea Party, through the writing of the Constitution and Bill of Rights, Hartmann highlighted the wisdom of the founding fathers, the prescience of several presidents, and the mistake that gave corporations equal status with humans.

In discovering a little-known first-person account of the Boston Tea Party, Hartmann described an act of vandalism aimed to prevent a corporation from “pulling a Wal-Mart,” as he described the event of 1773.

In 1767 there was a great recession and the British East India Company was overextended. Because the Company had always viewed the colonies as markets, it “persuaded” the British government (King George himself was a stockholder) to pass the Tea Act of ’73, which lowered the tax on the Company’s tea and even gave the Company a rebate amounting to $400 million (in today’s dollars). Most important, it also criminalized tea trade by anyone else, punishable by death.

Killing competition and limiting their tea choices to the “house brand” was what sparked the Boston Tea party and convinced such luminaries as Thomas Jefferson to get behind the idea of breaking with Great Britain.

When it came to writing a Constitution for the resulting new nation, Hartmann said, the founders looked to John Locke and the Iroquois nation and other native tribes—Locke for the God-given, inalienable rights of every person and the Iroquois for the idea that the power to govern comes from the governed.

The result was that the Constitution does not grant rights of governance—it limits the privileges of government, tells what government should, can, and must do and certain things it must never do.

Thomas Jefferson, who was in Paris while the Constitution was created, argued that the document was inadequate without spelling out the natural rights of the new country’s citizens and protecting them from overreaching governments and commercial monopolies like the East India Company. He fought hard for inclusion of “commerce free from monopolies,” but because the states already had laws tightly constraining corporations, he lost that battle. The state laws were tough; for example, they made corporate efforts to influence government a felony.

In 1886 came Santa Clara County v. Southern Pacific Railroad Corp., the U.S. Supreme Court case used ever since to grant and expand corporations’ rights as persons.

The Bill of Rights, according to Jefferson, was supposed to be “the club that people used to beat back the power of corporations,” Hartmann said. This ruling was the point when the club was handed back. Later rulings, based on this one, have held that money equals free speech, effectively nullifying those state laws restricting corporate interference in the political process. Today corporations can claim the right of privacy but people lose that right when they go to work for them.

“They can look at your bodily fluids, your keystrokes, your phone conversations,” Hartmann said. “Nike has even argued that, because the right to freedom of speech gives a person the right to lie, a corporation has that right, too.

“The argument on personhood used in the Santa Clara County case,” he said, “was that the 14th Amendment granted rights to slaves, saying any person born or naturalized here is a citizen with all rights. Because the amendment didn’t distinguish between natural and artificial persons, as the English Constitution did, the railroad claimed it was a person, too.”

But the actual case didn’t rule on that argument at all, Hartmann said.

“I read the case, and it’s all about taxing fence posts. So I’m reading ‘fence posts…fence posts…’ pages and pages about fence posts all the way to the end. And there, at the very end it says of the other arguments made in the case, ‘the court did not rule’ on them.

“The court did not rule on the argument of corporate personhood! But at the top of the document, in the ‘headnotes’ written by the clerk of the court to summarize the case, it says the court ruled in the case that ‘corporations are persons.’ Headnotes have no legal status but they are like Lawyer Cliff’s Notes and often that’s all lawyers read.

“So it was a mistake!” Hartmann shouted. “A hundred-and-twenty years of law based on a mistake!” And because some 30 cases have quoted that case, it is now law.

“What can we do?” he asked. “Mendocino, California, passed a resolution saying corporations don’t have the rights of persons. Communities in Pennsylvania and other towns and counties did the same. Passing ordinances that educate and wake people up have no legal consequences so your town can’t be sued by corporations and go bankrupt.

Web sites Hartmann mentioned:
Unequalprotection.com Remote Link
Commondreams.org Remote Link

Reported for the Web by Kathy Rawle, edited by Margy Levine Young; Web Design by Julie Albanese


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